School party culture, especially around high school graduation, may be uniquely connected to adolescent cocaine use. There are many contributing factors at individual, school, and neighborhood levels. This study explored whether and how school party culture, neighborhood factors, and individual characteristics were connected to use among high school students.
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Identifying and exploring the factors that contribute to adolescent cocaine use may highlight points of strategic intervention and policy. A range of motivations may account for adolescent cocaine use. School, neighborhood, and individual level correlates of adolescent cocaine use may each uniquely and jointly be associated with use among individuals. Neighborhood-level risk factors may include the local availability of, and accessibility to, cocaine, as well as disadvantaged socioeconomic status and perceived neighborhood disorder. School environment characteristics related to substance use may include socioeconomic resources, school engagement, peer culture, and demographic composition. The current study was conducted in Norway, where many high schools have a party culture centering around “russ” groups, which are made up of a group of students and formed at the beginning of high school. Social events and parties often revolve around these groups, culminating in a graduation party. “Russ” culture features graduation parties with distinct clothing and even old buses refurbished with sound systems and lighting. However, there has been little work done that incorporates broader ecological variables such as neighborhood and school, as well as individual-level factors in exploring adolescent substance use. This study leveraged a population-based study of youth living in Oslo, Norway to investigate neighborhood, school, and individual variables that may be associated cocaine use.
The study analyzed data from the Young in Oslo 2023 survey. The survey invited all schools in Oslo, Norway to participate, with 24 out of 26 public schools and 4 out of 14 private schools enrolling. Students at participating schools completed the survey electronically during the school day. The survey featured a range of topical questions related to a student’s family, social relationships, health, substance use, behavior, and neighborhood (95 subdistricts in Oslo).
Individual-level variables were collected to account for individual differences. These included gender (male or female), age, parental country of birth, socioeconomic status, alcohol intoxication frequency, frequency of having out with friends who use illicit substances, parental monitoring, antisocial behavior, and depressive symptoms. Cocaine use was measured by the frequency of cocaine use in the previous 12 months, with response option of “never,” “yes, once,” “yes, 2–5 times,” and “yes, 6 or more times.” The variable was then turned into a yes/no variable to account for lower reports of frequent use.
Neighborhood was self-reported by the student according to the 95 subdistricts in Oslo. Neighborhood socioeconomic status and school socioeconomic status were each scored 0-3 and assessed by aggregating individual-level data. School was automatically registered through the student’s ID used to log in to take the survey. School-based party culture was assessed by a panel of four researchers with expert knowledge of Oslo schools and the “russ” graduation celebration traditions at those schools.
The panel rated each high school on a 1–10 scale, reflecting the relative intensity of the graduation celebration tradition. A score of 1 represented a school where most students did not participate in celebrations to a meaningful degree, and a score of 10 represented a school where most students heavily engaged in the celebration and where a strong culture for “russ” party buses is established. In order to assign a score, the panel drew on their personal experiences, aggregated results on a 2015 study investigating perceived importance of high school graduation celebrations, and feedback from a commercial supplier of clothing and goods used for the celebrations.
There were 9,741 adolescents that completed the survey (60% completion rate) across 95 neighborhoods and 25 schools. Information on schools and students who did not take part were not reported in the study. Most students (92%) reported no cocaine use in the previous 12 months. There were slightly more female identifying participants (54%), and the average age was 17. Adolescents had an average school party culture score of 6.5 out of 10. There were 3 schools that were not included in the final analysis due to small size or low response rate. The authors used a build-up analysis approach that subsequently layered the neighborhood, school, and individual levels of analysis. Through this approach, the authors were able to detect how much variation in cocaine use was attributable to each level and/or factor.
One in 10 high school seniors reported cocaine use in the previous 12 months
Males and higher levels of alcohol intoxication were associated with higher odds of cocaine use. Males had nearly 2 times the odds compared to females, and each level increase of alcohol intoxication (0-4 scale) was associated also with almost 2 times the odds of cocaine use, on average. The strongest predictor of cocaine use was the frequency of spending time with friends who use illicit drugs (on a scale of 0-3) with more than 2 times greater odds for each additional level on the 0 to 3 scale (see graph below). Antisocial behavior and depressive symptoms were also positively associated with odds of cocaine use.
School accounted for more variation in cocaine use than neighborhood
In the final, full model, school party culture was significantly associated with increased odds of cocaine use among adolescents (see graph below). For each one-unit increase in the school party culture score (which ranged from 1 to 10), the odds of past-year cocaine use increased by 15%. Conversely, neighborhood socioeconomic status (SES) was not found to be significantly associated with cocaine use after accounting for school and individual-level factors.
In this study, the researchers found that adolescent cocaine use in Oslo, Norway was more likely to occur among adolescents attending schools with a stronger party culture. The school-level was, in fact, a stronger predictor than neighborhood of residence. Individual factors of being male, spending more time with peers who use illicit substances, personal alcohol intoxication frequency, depressive symptoms, and antisocial behavior each independently related to higher odds of cocaine use.
Social relationships are consistently identified as a key driver of adolescent substance use, with peer connections often forming within the school context where youth obviously spend the majority of their time. As such, the school environment itself may play an important role in influencing behaviors like adolescent cocaine use. In Oslo, Norway, for example, a cultural tradition of extensive graduation celebrations, including the use of party buses, has created distinct school-level party cultures. This study found that such culture was associated with increased cocaine use, even after accounting for neighborhood and individual factors. Furthermore, as would be expected, the frequency of hanging out with friends who use illicit substances was also strongly related to the odds of cocaine use.
A range of individual-level interventions implemented at the program- or school-level have shown promise in reducing adolescent substance use. These include contingency management – helping reduce substance use by rewarding desired behavior like abstinence – and personalized normative feedback – helping reduce substance use by providing information on substance use in comparison to peers. Importantly, the current findings point also to the potential value of developing school-level interventions. Universal school-based programs, which are delivered to all students regardless of risk level, have demonstrated small to moderate effects in reducing substance use. Universal interventions that aim to enhance resilience have been particularly effective in decreasing illicit drug use. In addition to universal programs, schools also implement targeted interventions for specific subgroups, such as adolescents with ADHD or those identified as at risk through screening tools (for example, SBIRT: Screening, Brief Intervention, and Referral to Treatment). This study suggests that addressing the broader school party culture, possibly through policy (e.g., finding safer, alternative celebrations apart from “russ” buses) may be another valuable target for future intervention development.
This study found that both school- and individual-level factors were associated with adolescent cocaine use, beyond the influence of neighborhood-level characteristics. Specifically, a stronger school-level party culture, being male, engaging in heavy drinking, and spending more time with peers who use illicit substances were each independently and additively linked to higher odds of past-year cocaine use among high school students in Oslo, Norway. While the study cannot determine whether changes in school culture – including, for example, availability of prosocial activities or sanctions against drug use – would lead to changes in cocaine use or the reverse, the findings highlight individual and school-level factors that could be useful for screening and intervention efforts, as well as policy development.
Frøyland, L. R., Pedersen, W., Enstad, F., & Von Soest, T. (2025). School party culture as a driver of cocaine use among Norwegian adolescents: A cross-classified multilevel analysis. Drug and Alcohol Dependence, 271. doi: 10.1016/j.drugalcdep.2025.112627.
l
Identifying and exploring the factors that contribute to adolescent cocaine use may highlight points of strategic intervention and policy. A range of motivations may account for adolescent cocaine use. School, neighborhood, and individual level correlates of adolescent cocaine use may each uniquely and jointly be associated with use among individuals. Neighborhood-level risk factors may include the local availability of, and accessibility to, cocaine, as well as disadvantaged socioeconomic status and perceived neighborhood disorder. School environment characteristics related to substance use may include socioeconomic resources, school engagement, peer culture, and demographic composition. The current study was conducted in Norway, where many high schools have a party culture centering around “russ” groups, which are made up of a group of students and formed at the beginning of high school. Social events and parties often revolve around these groups, culminating in a graduation party. “Russ” culture features graduation parties with distinct clothing and even old buses refurbished with sound systems and lighting. However, there has been little work done that incorporates broader ecological variables such as neighborhood and school, as well as individual-level factors in exploring adolescent substance use. This study leveraged a population-based study of youth living in Oslo, Norway to investigate neighborhood, school, and individual variables that may be associated cocaine use.
The study analyzed data from the Young in Oslo 2023 survey. The survey invited all schools in Oslo, Norway to participate, with 24 out of 26 public schools and 4 out of 14 private schools enrolling. Students at participating schools completed the survey electronically during the school day. The survey featured a range of topical questions related to a student’s family, social relationships, health, substance use, behavior, and neighborhood (95 subdistricts in Oslo).
Individual-level variables were collected to account for individual differences. These included gender (male or female), age, parental country of birth, socioeconomic status, alcohol intoxication frequency, frequency of having out with friends who use illicit substances, parental monitoring, antisocial behavior, and depressive symptoms. Cocaine use was measured by the frequency of cocaine use in the previous 12 months, with response option of “never,” “yes, once,” “yes, 2–5 times,” and “yes, 6 or more times.” The variable was then turned into a yes/no variable to account for lower reports of frequent use.
Neighborhood was self-reported by the student according to the 95 subdistricts in Oslo. Neighborhood socioeconomic status and school socioeconomic status were each scored 0-3 and assessed by aggregating individual-level data. School was automatically registered through the student’s ID used to log in to take the survey. School-based party culture was assessed by a panel of four researchers with expert knowledge of Oslo schools and the “russ” graduation celebration traditions at those schools.
The panel rated each high school on a 1–10 scale, reflecting the relative intensity of the graduation celebration tradition. A score of 1 represented a school where most students did not participate in celebrations to a meaningful degree, and a score of 10 represented a school where most students heavily engaged in the celebration and where a strong culture for “russ” party buses is established. In order to assign a score, the panel drew on their personal experiences, aggregated results on a 2015 study investigating perceived importance of high school graduation celebrations, and feedback from a commercial supplier of clothing and goods used for the celebrations.
There were 9,741 adolescents that completed the survey (60% completion rate) across 95 neighborhoods and 25 schools. Information on schools and students who did not take part were not reported in the study. Most students (92%) reported no cocaine use in the previous 12 months. There were slightly more female identifying participants (54%), and the average age was 17. Adolescents had an average school party culture score of 6.5 out of 10. There were 3 schools that were not included in the final analysis due to small size or low response rate. The authors used a build-up analysis approach that subsequently layered the neighborhood, school, and individual levels of analysis. Through this approach, the authors were able to detect how much variation in cocaine use was attributable to each level and/or factor.
One in 10 high school seniors reported cocaine use in the previous 12 months
Males and higher levels of alcohol intoxication were associated with higher odds of cocaine use. Males had nearly 2 times the odds compared to females, and each level increase of alcohol intoxication (0-4 scale) was associated also with almost 2 times the odds of cocaine use, on average. The strongest predictor of cocaine use was the frequency of spending time with friends who use illicit drugs (on a scale of 0-3) with more than 2 times greater odds for each additional level on the 0 to 3 scale (see graph below). Antisocial behavior and depressive symptoms were also positively associated with odds of cocaine use.
School accounted for more variation in cocaine use than neighborhood
In the final, full model, school party culture was significantly associated with increased odds of cocaine use among adolescents (see graph below). For each one-unit increase in the school party culture score (which ranged from 1 to 10), the odds of past-year cocaine use increased by 15%. Conversely, neighborhood socioeconomic status (SES) was not found to be significantly associated with cocaine use after accounting for school and individual-level factors.
In this study, the researchers found that adolescent cocaine use in Oslo, Norway was more likely to occur among adolescents attending schools with a stronger party culture. The school-level was, in fact, a stronger predictor than neighborhood of residence. Individual factors of being male, spending more time with peers who use illicit substances, personal alcohol intoxication frequency, depressive symptoms, and antisocial behavior each independently related to higher odds of cocaine use.
Social relationships are consistently identified as a key driver of adolescent substance use, with peer connections often forming within the school context where youth obviously spend the majority of their time. As such, the school environment itself may play an important role in influencing behaviors like adolescent cocaine use. In Oslo, Norway, for example, a cultural tradition of extensive graduation celebrations, including the use of party buses, has created distinct school-level party cultures. This study found that such culture was associated with increased cocaine use, even after accounting for neighborhood and individual factors. Furthermore, as would be expected, the frequency of hanging out with friends who use illicit substances was also strongly related to the odds of cocaine use.
A range of individual-level interventions implemented at the program- or school-level have shown promise in reducing adolescent substance use. These include contingency management – helping reduce substance use by rewarding desired behavior like abstinence – and personalized normative feedback – helping reduce substance use by providing information on substance use in comparison to peers. Importantly, the current findings point also to the potential value of developing school-level interventions. Universal school-based programs, which are delivered to all students regardless of risk level, have demonstrated small to moderate effects in reducing substance use. Universal interventions that aim to enhance resilience have been particularly effective in decreasing illicit drug use. In addition to universal programs, schools also implement targeted interventions for specific subgroups, such as adolescents with ADHD or those identified as at risk through screening tools (for example, SBIRT: Screening, Brief Intervention, and Referral to Treatment). This study suggests that addressing the broader school party culture, possibly through policy (e.g., finding safer, alternative celebrations apart from “russ” buses) may be another valuable target for future intervention development.
This study found that both school- and individual-level factors were associated with adolescent cocaine use, beyond the influence of neighborhood-level characteristics. Specifically, a stronger school-level party culture, being male, engaging in heavy drinking, and spending more time with peers who use illicit substances were each independently and additively linked to higher odds of past-year cocaine use among high school students in Oslo, Norway. While the study cannot determine whether changes in school culture – including, for example, availability of prosocial activities or sanctions against drug use – would lead to changes in cocaine use or the reverse, the findings highlight individual and school-level factors that could be useful for screening and intervention efforts, as well as policy development.
Frøyland, L. R., Pedersen, W., Enstad, F., & Von Soest, T. (2025). School party culture as a driver of cocaine use among Norwegian adolescents: A cross-classified multilevel analysis. Drug and Alcohol Dependence, 271. doi: 10.1016/j.drugalcdep.2025.112627.
l
Identifying and exploring the factors that contribute to adolescent cocaine use may highlight points of strategic intervention and policy. A range of motivations may account for adolescent cocaine use. School, neighborhood, and individual level correlates of adolescent cocaine use may each uniquely and jointly be associated with use among individuals. Neighborhood-level risk factors may include the local availability of, and accessibility to, cocaine, as well as disadvantaged socioeconomic status and perceived neighborhood disorder. School environment characteristics related to substance use may include socioeconomic resources, school engagement, peer culture, and demographic composition. The current study was conducted in Norway, where many high schools have a party culture centering around “russ” groups, which are made up of a group of students and formed at the beginning of high school. Social events and parties often revolve around these groups, culminating in a graduation party. “Russ” culture features graduation parties with distinct clothing and even old buses refurbished with sound systems and lighting. However, there has been little work done that incorporates broader ecological variables such as neighborhood and school, as well as individual-level factors in exploring adolescent substance use. This study leveraged a population-based study of youth living in Oslo, Norway to investigate neighborhood, school, and individual variables that may be associated cocaine use.
The study analyzed data from the Young in Oslo 2023 survey. The survey invited all schools in Oslo, Norway to participate, with 24 out of 26 public schools and 4 out of 14 private schools enrolling. Students at participating schools completed the survey electronically during the school day. The survey featured a range of topical questions related to a student’s family, social relationships, health, substance use, behavior, and neighborhood (95 subdistricts in Oslo).
Individual-level variables were collected to account for individual differences. These included gender (male or female), age, parental country of birth, socioeconomic status, alcohol intoxication frequency, frequency of having out with friends who use illicit substances, parental monitoring, antisocial behavior, and depressive symptoms. Cocaine use was measured by the frequency of cocaine use in the previous 12 months, with response option of “never,” “yes, once,” “yes, 2–5 times,” and “yes, 6 or more times.” The variable was then turned into a yes/no variable to account for lower reports of frequent use.
Neighborhood was self-reported by the student according to the 95 subdistricts in Oslo. Neighborhood socioeconomic status and school socioeconomic status were each scored 0-3 and assessed by aggregating individual-level data. School was automatically registered through the student’s ID used to log in to take the survey. School-based party culture was assessed by a panel of four researchers with expert knowledge of Oslo schools and the “russ” graduation celebration traditions at those schools.
The panel rated each high school on a 1–10 scale, reflecting the relative intensity of the graduation celebration tradition. A score of 1 represented a school where most students did not participate in celebrations to a meaningful degree, and a score of 10 represented a school where most students heavily engaged in the celebration and where a strong culture for “russ” party buses is established. In order to assign a score, the panel drew on their personal experiences, aggregated results on a 2015 study investigating perceived importance of high school graduation celebrations, and feedback from a commercial supplier of clothing and goods used for the celebrations.
There were 9,741 adolescents that completed the survey (60% completion rate) across 95 neighborhoods and 25 schools. Information on schools and students who did not take part were not reported in the study. Most students (92%) reported no cocaine use in the previous 12 months. There were slightly more female identifying participants (54%), and the average age was 17. Adolescents had an average school party culture score of 6.5 out of 10. There were 3 schools that were not included in the final analysis due to small size or low response rate. The authors used a build-up analysis approach that subsequently layered the neighborhood, school, and individual levels of analysis. Through this approach, the authors were able to detect how much variation in cocaine use was attributable to each level and/or factor.
One in 10 high school seniors reported cocaine use in the previous 12 months
Males and higher levels of alcohol intoxication were associated with higher odds of cocaine use. Males had nearly 2 times the odds compared to females, and each level increase of alcohol intoxication (0-4 scale) was associated also with almost 2 times the odds of cocaine use, on average. The strongest predictor of cocaine use was the frequency of spending time with friends who use illicit drugs (on a scale of 0-3) with more than 2 times greater odds for each additional level on the 0 to 3 scale (see graph below). Antisocial behavior and depressive symptoms were also positively associated with odds of cocaine use.
School accounted for more variation in cocaine use than neighborhood
In the final, full model, school party culture was significantly associated with increased odds of cocaine use among adolescents (see graph below). For each one-unit increase in the school party culture score (which ranged from 1 to 10), the odds of past-year cocaine use increased by 15%. Conversely, neighborhood socioeconomic status (SES) was not found to be significantly associated with cocaine use after accounting for school and individual-level factors.
In this study, the researchers found that adolescent cocaine use in Oslo, Norway was more likely to occur among adolescents attending schools with a stronger party culture. The school-level was, in fact, a stronger predictor than neighborhood of residence. Individual factors of being male, spending more time with peers who use illicit substances, personal alcohol intoxication frequency, depressive symptoms, and antisocial behavior each independently related to higher odds of cocaine use.
Social relationships are consistently identified as a key driver of adolescent substance use, with peer connections often forming within the school context where youth obviously spend the majority of their time. As such, the school environment itself may play an important role in influencing behaviors like adolescent cocaine use. In Oslo, Norway, for example, a cultural tradition of extensive graduation celebrations, including the use of party buses, has created distinct school-level party cultures. This study found that such culture was associated with increased cocaine use, even after accounting for neighborhood and individual factors. Furthermore, as would be expected, the frequency of hanging out with friends who use illicit substances was also strongly related to the odds of cocaine use.
A range of individual-level interventions implemented at the program- or school-level have shown promise in reducing adolescent substance use. These include contingency management – helping reduce substance use by rewarding desired behavior like abstinence – and personalized normative feedback – helping reduce substance use by providing information on substance use in comparison to peers. Importantly, the current findings point also to the potential value of developing school-level interventions. Universal school-based programs, which are delivered to all students regardless of risk level, have demonstrated small to moderate effects in reducing substance use. Universal interventions that aim to enhance resilience have been particularly effective in decreasing illicit drug use. In addition to universal programs, schools also implement targeted interventions for specific subgroups, such as adolescents with ADHD or those identified as at risk through screening tools (for example, SBIRT: Screening, Brief Intervention, and Referral to Treatment). This study suggests that addressing the broader school party culture, possibly through policy (e.g., finding safer, alternative celebrations apart from “russ” buses) may be another valuable target for future intervention development.
This study found that both school- and individual-level factors were associated with adolescent cocaine use, beyond the influence of neighborhood-level characteristics. Specifically, a stronger school-level party culture, being male, engaging in heavy drinking, and spending more time with peers who use illicit substances were each independently and additively linked to higher odds of past-year cocaine use among high school students in Oslo, Norway. While the study cannot determine whether changes in school culture – including, for example, availability of prosocial activities or sanctions against drug use – would lead to changes in cocaine use or the reverse, the findings highlight individual and school-level factors that could be useful for screening and intervention efforts, as well as policy development.
Frøyland, L. R., Pedersen, W., Enstad, F., & Von Soest, T. (2025). School party culture as a driver of cocaine use among Norwegian adolescents: A cross-classified multilevel analysis. Drug and Alcohol Dependence, 271. doi: 10.1016/j.drugalcdep.2025.112627.
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